Russian propaganda against Uzbekistan in media after starting the war in Ukraine - by Saida Dariyeva
Saida Dariyeva
Russian propaganda against Uzbekistan in the media after starting the war in Ukraine
Zakhar Prilepin, a notable Russian public figure, made a startling statement during a press conference in Moscow on December 20, 2023. Advocating for the Soviet Union’s restoration and Russian language imposition in former Soviet states, his remarks have resonated deeply within public discourse in Uzbekistan. Prilepin’s televised remark that Russia could claim territories with significant Russian-speaking populations mentioned Uzbekistan in particular, given the large number of Uzbek labor migrants in Russia, and triggered widespread indignation. Prilepin’s exact words as reported by local newspaper Daryo.uz:
I am actually sincerely advocating that these territories, from where migrant workers come to us, should be annexed and taught the Russian language on the spot, not here, but there, in Uzbekistan, for example. We will raise the topic of disavowing the collapse of the Soviet Union, which will allow us to say at any time: since 2 million of your citizens are on our territory, we claim your territory. Because the majority are already here, and they even voted for it. Who forbids us to do anything in Eurasia after the parade in Kyiv? No one.
This provocative claim spurred a vigorous reaction across Uzbekistan, mobilizing citizen journalists, bloggers, and the general populace into heated discussions. There were widespread calls on social media for the Uzbek government to issue a formal inquiry to the Russian embassy for clarification on these contentious remarks. Political experts urged the government to adopt a firmer stance in response to Prilepin’s words.
The reaction to his statements in Uzbekistan, however, is not just about a single provocative claim. It is a reflection of a deeper, more pervasive anxiety about the future of the region’s sovereignty and identity. The unity in the Uzbek response, cutting across societal divisions, signifies a collective resolve to safeguard the national integrity and to resist any attempts at undermining the country’s hard-won independence.
Subsequently, on December 21, the Russian ambassador to Uzbekistan, Oleg Malginov, was summoned to the Uzbek Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In a later statement, Maria Zakharova, the official spokesperson of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, clarified that Prilepin’s views were personal and did not represent the official stance of the Russian Federation. She highlighted the comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance relations between Russia and Uzbekistan.
In response to Prilepin’s statements, Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Defense, referencing Article 153 of the Constitution, made a public statement reaffirming the nation’s military preparedness to ensure national security. Moreover, members of the Uzbek parliament countered Prilepin’s stance, stating, “Such statements are completely unacceptable and this kind of view is further reducing Russia’s ever-decreasing influence.” They emphasized the growing negative perception of Russia among Uzbeks.
Even President Shavkat Mirziyoev have made a statement at a public event on December 22, seemingly in response to the Prilepin’s words. He said that:
We have all witnessed that the powerful centers of the world, which used to protect their goals and interests mainly through diplomacy and politics, have now turned to the path of open pressure, confrontation, and conflict. Unfortunately, the impact of such large-scale and extremely conflicting processes does not bypass the Central Asian region and our country, which is part of it. It is certainly not easy to find the right way that meets the national interests of Uzbekistan in such a complex and dangerous situation.
Although this was a soft diplomatic response, and did not address the issue directly, such a comment from the president is rare in Uzbekistan.
Russian public figures have made controversial statements in the media before, often triggering frustration among the Central Asian countries. These declarations typically revolve around territorial claims, Russian language promotion, migrant worker issues, and interference in the internal affairs of former Soviet states, indicating a persistent view of Central Asia as being within Russia’s sphere of influence.
The start of international television broadcasts in Uzbekistan has coincided with renewed calls to ban Russian propaganda channels.
Digital TV operators in Uzbekistan on November 1 began broadcasting five additional international TV channels, including BBC World News (UK), CNN International (USA), Bloomberg (USA), TRT Avaz (Turkey) and CGTN (China).
Additionally, other international TV channels including Fox News, CNBC, SkyNews, France 24, Belarus 24 and others can be streamed on the companies' websites.
The international channels serve as an alternative to Russian TV, especially the Kremlin's official channels.
Uzbek political scientist Yuliy Yusupov in April called the airing of Russian programmes a threat to national security, adding that local TV is "impotent".
"The current situation is simply a nightmare. This is the real and main threat to the country's national security," he wrote on Telegram.
"For several decades now, the most powerful propaganda machine in human history has been brainwashing our citizens, making them the Kremlin's zombies," he added.
The impact on the Uzbek audience is huge, but still not enough is being done, said Tashkent-based political scientist Farkhod Mirzabayev.
In his opinion, the English-language channels that appeared on screens on November 1 cannot compete with Russia 24 because many residents of Uzbekistan simply do not speak English.
"This is not just a propaganda problem. Many factors are lumped together here, including the Soviet legacy and Putin's mythical reputation among ordinary people," Mirzabayev said.
"Many of our compatriots make their money in Russia, and most important, our political leaders have a close relationship with the Kremlin," he said.
Nonetheless, many welcomed the broadcast of international channels.
Russian TV channels are the main mechanism that shapes public opinion about the war in Ukraine, said Nurbek Alimov, a blogger from Andijan.
"I support completely banning broadcasts of Russian TV channels," he said. "I think that the BBC and Euronews are a good alternative in order to get independent information about what is happening in Ukraine and in the world."
Russian media's influence on Uzbeks' worldview is decisive, agreed Kamoliddin Rabbimov, a political scientist from Tashkent.
"Censorship under former Uzbek leader Islam Karimov, as well as geopolitical caution under Shavkat Mirziyoyev, led Uzbek media, especially TV channels, to continue avoiding coverage of current geopolitical problems," he said.
"If you turn on Uzbekistan 24, there is not a word about the war or Russia's 'special operation' in Ukraine," Rabbimov said.
Russia earned immense profits on oil sales from 2002 to 2015, allowing Putin to build a very powerful and aggressive information empire in Uzbekistan, he said.
One of the empire's assignments is to control sentiment in the post-Soviet space, he added.
Although the introduction of foreign TV channels is a good start in counterbalancing the Russian media's influence, it is not enough, said Rabbimov.
"Information is being broadcast now, but no interpretation is given," he said. "Uzbek media outlets offer no analysis, no answers to the questions 'who is right?' and 'who is wrong?' What's more, there is no information at all about the war. This is abnormal."
Sooner or later, Rabbimov said, Uzbekistan will have to create its own TV programming with analysis.
As an example, he cited neighbouring Kazakhstan, where Russia's influence is much more powerful.
"But they're still not afraid," he said. "[Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart] Tokayev is trying to create free, independent media. Kazakhstan has achieved significant success in this area."
"Kazakh TV channels quite freely cover, analyse, and criticise regional issues and the war in Ukraine," Rabbimov said. "We don't have anything like this in Uzbekistan yet. Here, we are far behind Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan."
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